Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai engagement report

Best tweets

• Sep 23, 20262.9x their median

  📌 https://t.co/VI5Nx7a9Fy

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• Oct 22, 20262.3x their median

  📌 https://t.co/1lbvx0iyk5

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• Sep 15, 20262.0x their median

  A Must Watch 📹 THE MALLAM NASIR EL-RUFAI DOCUMENTARY By 'The Justice For El-Rufai Project'. https://t.co/8a5CV9aaKn

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• Sep 24, 20261.9x their median

  https://t.co/6UJ7tJ8lrd

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• Oct 15, 20261.8x their median

  Projects in Lagos, Campaign in Kaduna Amid Insecurity: What Will Tinubu Promise Now? By Mohammed Bello Doka 11 October, 2026. On December 3, 2023, a Nigerian Army drone struck Tudun Biri in Igabi Local Government Area of Kaduna State, killing at least 85 civilians who had gathered for a religious celebration. Among the dead were women, children, and the elderly. President Bola Tinubu did not visit. On September 2024, another military airstrike hit Giwa Local Government Area, killing at least 24 more civilians in what the military called a mistaken targeting of bandits. President Tinubu did not visit. In September 2025, bandits descended on Kachia Local Government Area and abducted 152 people in a single operation. President Tinubu did not visit. In July 2025, windstorms and heavy rainfall devastated five local government areas, displacing 6,172 people and killing six. President Tinubu did not visit. In August 2024, bandits attacked communities in Kajuru Local Government Area, killing four, injuring three, and abducting thirty-seven. President Tinubu did not visit. In September 2025, floods submerged parts of Zaria Local Government Area, affecting 476 people. President Tinubu did not visit. Now, after three and a half years of blood, tears, and silence, the APC has chosen Kaduna as the launchpad for its 2027 presidential campaign. The same Kaduna where 85 people were buried in a mass grave after a Nigerian drone bombed them. The same Kaduna where 152 people were carted away into forests by bandits while the president was in Lagos commissioning buses. The same Kaduna where communities have been orphaned by airstrikes, emptied by kidnappings, and drowned by floods. What exactly is Tinubu coming to tell the people of Kaduna? What is he coming to promise again? Since May 29, 2023, President Tinubu has visited Kaduna exactly twice. The first was a one-day working visit in June 2025 to commission a vocational training institute, a 300-bed specialist hospital, and 100 CNG buses, most of which were state government projects. The second was a private visit in September 2025 to attend a wedding and condole with the widow of a former president. Two visits in three and a half years. Not one of those visits was to console the victims of Tudun Biri. Not one was to visit the families of the 152 abducted in Kachia. Not one was to assess the damage in Giwa after another military misfire. Not one was to stand with the flood victims in Zaria. Not one was to confront the bandits in Kajuru. Instead, he flew to Kaduna for a wedding, shook hands, took photographs, and flew back to Abuja. Compare that to his attention to Lagos. In Lagos, Tinubu has commissioned the first 30 kilometres of the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway, a project estimated at over one trillion naira. In Lagos, he has rehabilitated the Third Mainland Bridge at a cost of 43 billion naira and built a 2.5 billion naira CCTV monitoring centre. In Lagos, he inaugurated the Red Line Rail, a 37-kilometre project costing over 135 million dollars. In Lagos, he commissioned CNG infrastructure in Ojota, part of a 100 billion naira national rollout, with four major projects in a single day. In Lagos, the Abuja-Kaduna-Zaria-Kano road, a project inherited from Buhari, was revoked and re-awarded at a higher cost, while the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway received 43 billion naira for phase two. Lagos is where the president's heart beats. Kaduna is where his promises go to die.

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• Oct 17, 20261.6x their median

  Tinubu, Akintola, El-Rufai: Why the North Cannot Trust Southwest in 2027 By Mohammed Bello Doka When Nasir El-Rufai stood before the world in June 2022 and declared that 12 out of 14 northern APC governors had agreed to cede presidential power to the South, he was hailed as a statesman, a unifier, a northern leader with the courage to put national interest above regional ambition. He told reporters that day that a super majority of northern governors had taken a decision and that everyone, including the defiant Yahaya Bello, was bound by it . It was a moment of rare political sacrifice from a region that had grown accustomed to holding the reins of power. Today, as El-Rufai languishes in the detention facilities of the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), the question that every thinking northerner must ask is this: What did the South do with that sacrifice? The answer is as devastating as it is simple. Silence. Complicity. Continued support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu from southern political elites who have paid their media houses, their data boys, and their influencers not only to denigrate El-Rufai but to paint the entire North as a region of power-hungry traitors. And now, these same southern voices expect the North to trust zoning again in 2027. They expect northerners who can see, who can think, who have not been blinded by tribal sentiment, to once again hand over power to a region that has demonstrated exactly what it thinks of northern loyalty. Let us rewind to the beginning. Professor Ishaq Akintola, the founder of the Muslim Rights Concern (MURIC), has been remarkably candid about his role in this saga. In a press release dated March 23, 2026, Akintola confessed that MURIC was the first to demand a Yoruba Muslim president as far back as February 2021 . He and the Concerned Yoruba Muslim Scholars met and persuaded Tinubu to run. But they quickly realized that Yoruba Muslims alone could not deliver the presidency. They needed a handshake across the Niger. So they networked with northern Muslims and specifically sought out El-Rufai, whom they described as the only northern politician with the necessary political acumen to bring the North together behind Tinubu . The meeting between Akintola, other southwest leaders, and El-Rufai was not a casual affair. It was a strategic intervention. And here is the detail the southern establishment does not want you to remember: When Akintola and his delegation came to El-Rufai, the former governor was not on good terms with Tinubu. They were, by El-Rufai’s own admission, political adversaries. Akintola pleaded with El-Rufai to reconcile with Tinubu and to support the Yoruba Muslim project. And El-Rufai, against the wishes of many in the North, agreed . But where were the other southwest leaders? Who else from the region spoke out in that critical moment? The truth is, aside from Akintola and his small team of Islamic scholars, the southern political establishment was conspicuously quiet. They were happy to receive the North’s gift. They were ecstatic to watch El-Rufai publicly champion power shift, to watch him rebuff the naira redesign shenanigans that threatened Tinubu‘s election, to watch him accompany the candidate to Chatham House and defend the Muslim-Muslim ticket before an international audience . They were silent then because they were winning. They are silent now because silencing El-Rufai serves their purpose. MURIC warned of this betrayal as early as August 13, 2023, when the Senate first withheld El-Rufai’s ministerial nomination. In an emergency statement after its Central Think Tank meeting, MURIC declared that the non-confirmation was a major threat to future alliance between the North and the South-West. The group issued a chilling prophecy: "The North may not hobnob with the South-West again if the champion of the North-South alliance is shabbily treated" . Today, that prophecy is being fulfilled before our very

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• Oct 22, 2026

  A Caged Lion is Still a Lion: Avenge El-Rufai’s Treatment With Your Votes — Refuse to Be Intimidated Today marks two hundred and forty-six days since Mallam Nasir El-Rufai voluntarily surrendered himself to an investigation by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, and subsequently the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission, on February 18, 2026, a detention that has now stretched through nearly eight months of a man who committed no crime other than refusing to kneel. A lot of people, supporters and even enemies alike, have registered their frustration at a spectacle that has long ceased to resemble justice and has become something closer to a political hostage situation. The campaign is about to start, and the paper tigers know it, which is precisely why the cage has not been opened. They thought the cage would silence him. They thought the chains would make the people forget. They were wrong. A caged lion is still a lion but more dangerous. The roar does not die because the mouth is behind bars. It echoes louder. It travels farther. It wakes up those who were sleeping. And in Kaduna, across the North, and through every corner of this country where people still believe that leadership is about service and not about swallowing the commonwealth, the people are waking up. They are watching. They are remembering. And they are angry. Let us be clear. The detention of Nasir El-Rufai is no longer a legal matter. It has become a political circus, and the clowns are not even pretending anymore. A former senator allegedly stood in Zaria and begged the governor to keep El-Rufai locked up until after the 2027 election, until the governor receives his crown, and only then should the lion be released. Read that again. A public figure, in broad daylight, at a political gathering, openly linking the continued detention of a former governor to the electoral ambitions of the incumbent. This is not justice. This is not the rule of law. This is fear wearing the mask of legality. And the mask is slipping. Who are these people demanding that El-Rufai remain caged? Their records speak louder than any label. They are the ones who have never won anything on their own. They are the political tourists who attach themselves to whoever holds the microphone and the purse then betray them and find another host to leech again. They could not win a ward councillorship without standing on another man’s structure. They have no history of political triumph in and of themselves. And now, terrified that the lion might walk out of the cage and remind the people of what real leadership looks like, they are begging for the detention to continue. Paper tigers. That is what they are. Paper tigers roaring at a lion behind bars because they know that if the bars were removed, they would scatter like leaves in a storm. Their fear is understandable. El-Rufai’s greatest strength was never in the Government House. It was never in the ministerial chambers. It was never in the boardroom of the APC or the corridors of power. His greatest strength is the people. Not just in Kaduna, though Kaduna knows him best. Across Nigeria, there are people who remember a man who spoke truth to power when it was dangerous. Who stood against the naira redesign policy not because it hurt his party’s chances, but because he saw ordinary Nigerians suffering at the ATM queues, unable to buy food, unable to transport themselves to work. He said it plainly, without fear of the cabal in Aso Rock: the president made a mistake. How many of those now calling him a criminal had the courage to say that? Not one. They were too busy calculating how to position themselves for the next round of appointments.

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• Oct 4, 2026

  #FairTrial #HumanRights #JusticeForAll #FreeElrufai230DaysDetention https://t.co/OtPT79UWXo

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• Oct 24, 2026

  Renewed Lies: 12 Simple Questions Tinubu Must Answer in Kaduna Tomorrow by Mohammed Bello Doka 23 October, 2026. Tomorrow, the All Progressives Congress will officially launch its 2027 presidential campaign in Kaduna, not Lagos. It will be another rally. Another sea of rented crowds. Another round of thunderous promises that were never meant to be kept. It is akin to a lying competition in which the speaker knows he is lying, the listeners know the speaker is lying, and both pretend otherwise — a ritual that repeats every four years with the precision of a broken clock. But this time, the questions must follow the convoy. And they must be asked not only to the man on the podium, but to everyone who climbs that stage, and to every Nigerian regardless of party — because the deception is not the property of one party. It is a national affliction. Here are twelve simple questions. 1. Who removed fuel subsidy — and where are the savings? Your spokespersons, including the Director General of your campaign council, Senator Abdulaziz Yari, now claim there was no subsidy provision in the 2023 appropriation when you took over as president, while in direct contrast your supporters trumpet subsidy removal as your greatest achievement. On May 29, 2023, you declared: "Subsidy can no longer justify its ever-increasing costs in the wake of drying resources. We shall instead re-channel the funds into better investment in public infrastructure, education, health care and jobs that will materially improve the lives of millions." The question here is who removed subsidy and where is the benefit. After removing a benefit enjoyed by over 200 million Nigerians, what verifiable benefits have the savings delivered — and can you publish the subsidy savings ledger? The government claimed removal would save over ₦10 trillion in two years; Nigerians are still waiting for the hospitals, schools and jobs that money was meant to build. 2. Insecurity: "the only repentant bandit is a dead bandit" — so why negotiate with bandits in the North and not the South-West? In Kaduna, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai said the only repentant bandit is a dead one. Yet your administration continues to explore negotiation and amnesty frameworks with bandits in the North while refusing any such approach in Yorubaland. Why the double standard — and what have you actually done to curtail insecurity since May 2023? Between 2023 and 2025, Nigeria recorded thousands of kidnappings and killings, with the North-West accounting for the largest share. 3. "Where is the light?" — your own second-term test On the 2023 campaign trail you promised that if you could not fix Nigeria's electricity, Nigerians should not vote for you in 2027. Where is the light? Has grid supply, generation capacity, or tariff relief improved enough for you to stand by your own test? Nigerians still endure collapsing grids and darkness while paying more for power than ever — Nigerians now pay ₦209 per kilowatt-hour after the April 2024 tariff hike. Where is the money? 4. Poverty: your own spokesmen admit multidimensional poverty has risen — and over 75% of the poor are in the North. Are you here to hold our governors to account? Bayo Onanuga and other spokespersons have acknowledged a considerable increase in multidimensional poverty. NBS data puts over 75% of Nigeria's multidimensional poor in the North. You have asked citizens to hold their governors to account — so what is the Federal Government's accountability for the North, and what specific federal interventions have reversed these numbers since May 2023? The NBS Multidimensional Poverty Index reported 133 million Nigerians — about 63% of the population — as multidimensionally poor, with the North-West alone accounting for over 45 million. 5. Agriculture: the Kaduna promise and the food crisis

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• Sep 4, 2026

  Incase you are wondering this is How the religious crisis of Southern Kaduna started in the 90s, that they are blaming Mallam Nasir El-Rufai for https://t.co/j2AJXys39A

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